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India-U.S. Defence Tech Ties: Why Progress Remains Slow Despite Goals

Despite ambitious frameworks and agreements, India-U.S. defence technology collaboration has struggled to deliver tangible results, facing bureaucratic hurdles, trust deficits, and mismatched expectations on both sides.

ED
Editorial Desk
15 Jul 2026, 4:01 AM · 23 views · 4 min read
Photo by Aseem Borkar / Pexels

The India-United States defence technology partnership has been heralded as a cornerstone of the strategic relationship between the world's largest democracy and its oldest. Yet, despite numerous high-level agreements, joint statements, and ambitious roadmaps announced over the past two decades, the actual transfer of critical defence technologies and co-production initiatives remain disappointingly limited.

The Promise of Strategic Partnership

Since the landmark India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Agreement in 2008 and the subsequent designation of India as a Major Defence Partner in 2016, both nations have repeatedly emphasised their commitment to sharing cutting-edge military technologies. The Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), launched in 2012, was specifically designed to facilitate joint development and co-production of defence equipment, moving beyond the traditional buyer-seller relationship.

More recently, initiatives like the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) launched in 2023 have expanded the scope to include artificial intelligence, quantum computing, semiconductors, and advanced telecommunications alongside traditional defence hardware. On paper, these frameworks create pathways for India to access technologies that would significantly boost its defence manufacturing capabilities and reduce dependence on traditional suppliers like Russia and France.

Where the Bottlenecks Lie

The implementation gap between these grand visions and ground reality stems from multiple factors operating on both sides of the partnership.

American defence companies and government agencies remain cautious about sharing their most sensitive technologies, even with a designated Major Defence Partner. Concerns about intellectual property protection, end-use monitoring, and the potential for technology leakage create hesitation. The fact that India maintains significant defence ties with Russia, despite recent diversification efforts, adds another layer of American apprehension about sensitive technology transfers.

From the Indian perspective, the terms often offered don't align with the country's "Make in India" ambitions. Many proposed collaborations involve licensed production or assembly rather than genuine technology transfer that would enable indigenous development. Indian defence establishments and private sector players seek not just manufacturing rights but access to core technologies, source codes, and design expertise that would allow them to iterate and innovate independently.

Bureaucratic and Procedural Challenges

The procedural complexities on both sides create additional friction. American defence exports are governed by the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) and other stringent control mechanisms. Each technology transfer requires multiple approvals across different agencies, making the process time-consuming and uncertain.

India's own procurement procedures, while reformed in recent years, remain complex and sometimes opaque to foreign partners. The Defence Procurement Procedure undergoes frequent revisions, creating uncertainty for long-term collaboration projects that may span a decade or more from conception to delivery.

The offset policy, which required foreign defence suppliers to invest a portion of contract value in India, was meant to boost technology transfer but often resulted in superficial compliance rather than meaningful partnerships. Though offset requirements were removed for certain categories in 2020, the legacy of dissatisfaction persists.

Success Stories Remain Few

While there have been some achievements like the joint development of certain aircraft components and the recent agreements on jet engine technology, the number of successfully operationalised joint projects remains minimal compared to the number of memorandums of understanding signed.

Platforms like the C-130J Super Hercules and P-8I Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft represent major acquisitions, but these are direct purchases rather than technology collaborations. Even the much-publicised plan to manufacture F-16 or F/A-18 fighter jets in India under the "Make in India" initiative failed to materialise, with India eventually opting for French Rafale jets through a direct purchase.

The Path Forward

For the India-U.S. defence technology relationship to move from rhetoric to results, both sides need to recalibrate expectations and build trust incrementally. Starting with less sensitive dual-use technologies and demonstrating successful collaboration could create the confidence needed for more ambitious projects.

India must continue strengthening its intellectual property regime, end-use verification mechanisms, and data protection frameworks to address American concerns. Simultaneously, the United States needs to recognise that India's strategic autonomy and existing partnerships are enduring realities, and that meaningful technology sharing, not just sales, is essential for a genuine strategic partnership.

The geopolitical imperatives driving both nations together, particularly concerns about China's military modernisation, provide strong motivation to overcome these obstacles. However, translating strategic alignment into technological collaboration will require patience, transparency, and willingness to compromise on both sides.

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